Framed:  America's Patsy Tradition    

Post-Script

["All men will see what you seem to be; only a few will know what you are, and those few will not dare to oppose the many who have the majesty of the state on their side to defend them."
— Niccolo Machiavelli, 1532 A.D.]

McVeigh is sentenced to death. We are all saved.

Anyone who believes this is brain dead and deserves the consequences. Lies beget new lies. Crimes beget new crimes. Murder begets new murder. Nothing has changed in people's thinking in five thousand years. If there is a blood sacrifice for the gods, all is well. The rule of ritual blood sacrifice is supplanting the rule of law, due process and constitutional rights under the rubric of "victims' rights." The regression to social barbarism is matched by individual regression to infantile magical thinking and The Lord of the Flies is the ultimate destination.^[1353]

On June 2, 1997, Timothy McVeigh was convicted of all 11 counts in the federal indictment: eight counts of murdering federal agents, and one count each of possessing a weapon of mass destruction; of conspiring to use a weapon of mass destruction; and of destroying federal property with a weapon of mass destruction. The sentence was death by lethal injection.

In the trial, which was hailed as "brilliant," "textbook," and "close to perfect" by government legal pundits, prosecutors presented largely circumstantial evidence combined with emotional tales from bombing victims, and won immediate convictions.

In the last murder "trial of the century," prosecutors displayed an impressive array of hard, solid evidence against former football star O.J. Simpson and were met with acquittal.^[1354]

Federal prosecutors introduced no witnesses who could have placed McVeigh in Oklahoma City on April 19… because McVeigh was always seen in the company of other suspects — a can of worms the government, and the defense, could not afford to open. Yet while prosecutors interspersed relatively circumstantial evidence with heart-wrenching and completely irrelevant tales from tearful bombing victims, the defense wasn't allowed to present any expert witnesses debunking the government's "single bomb" theory, or any evidence linking other suspects to the crime!

Finally, just one month before the start of McVeigh's trial, the Dallas Morning News "leaked" alleged documentation that McVeigh had "admitted" to a defense team member Richard Reyna that he alone drove the Ryder truck to the Alfred P. Murrah Building (hardly a credible assertation at this point). Like the startling revelations of McVeigh's racing fuel purchases a year and-a-half after the fact, this well-timed ruse was engineered to resuscitate the government's rapidly deteriorating case.

While Jones' superbly crafted and highly revealing Writ of Mandamus barely registered a blip on the official radar screen of the mainstream press, McVeigh's highly dubious "confession" became the immediate focus of tabloid attention.

In documents recently discovered by the National Globe, it was learned that Lee Harvey Oswald made a "confession" to Dallas Police on November 22, in which he states that he, a) Acted alone; b) Had no ties with any mob or intelligence organizations; and c) Was mad at the President and wanted to make a political statement.

"That should put this controversy to rest for all time," said former president and Warren Commission member Gerald Ford.

Lee Harvey Oswald didn't live to tell the truth. Timothy McVeigh chose not to speak it. Yet, as Stephen Jones noted, if McVeigh dies, the truth may die with him.

While Judge Richard Matsch bared much of the relevant evidence pertaining to the case, he permitted numerous victims' completely irrelevant testimony about their personal trauma, obviously designed to sway the emotions of an ignorant and confused jury.

Matsch also barred ATF informant Carol Howe's testimony as "irrelevant," saying that it "would confuse or mislead the jury." Howe's attorney, Clark Brewster, said his client could have given "compelling testimony in support of a potential conspiracy theory."

The trial was also one of the most secretive ever held. According to the Associated Press, a "review of 1,000 documents filed between Feb. 20 and Sept. 5 found 75 percent of the records have been at least partially sealed."^[1355]

Given the mainstream media's largely acquiescent attitude towards the government's fairy tale, it would hardly have mattered. One of the most important and revealing documents in the case, McVeigh's Writ of Mandamus, was dismissed as a concoction of conspiracy theories designed to cast doubt on McVeigh's guilt. Judge Matsch would have no part of "conspiracy theories." He ordered all important exhibits of McVeigh's Writ sealed.

While Jones and the government both decided that McVeigh couldn't receive a fair trial in Oklahoma, critics argued that the case was moved to Denver to put it under the careful control of federal lap-dog Richard Matsch. In one of the most controversial environmental cases ever, Matsch used a one-sided hearing to brush aside charges that radioactive contamination from the Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant near Denver was adversely undermining the health of area residents.

A Nixon appointee, Matsch also presided over the Silverado Savings and Loan case, involving George Bush's son Neil — a case thick with dirty covert operatives and shady criminals linked to the CIA and the Iran-Contra operation. Bush walked.^[1356]

McVeigh's defense lasted little more than a week. In that regard the trial was little different than the trial of the surviving Branch Davidians, who were not allowed to introduce evidence that they had acted in self-defense. The superficial two day defense, presented after weeks of bogus evidence presented by the government, resulted from Judge Smith who said he would not allow the defense to "put the government on trial." Yet in fact several jurors expressed their opinions that the government should have been on trial — not the surviving Branch Davidians.

While he wasn't allowed to introduce evidence of a broader conspiracy, Jones did spend considerable time focusing on the disembodied leg, clothed in camouflage military garb, found amid the rubble of the Federal Building.

Jones introduced expert testimony that such a leg could be left intact from a blast that disintegrated the remaining body. It was this leg, which wasn't matched to any other victim, Jones suggested, that belonged to the real bomber.

Yet Judge Matsch wasn't about to allow Jones reveal his knowledge of a wider plot, as was portrayed in his Writ of Mandamus:

The theory of the prosecution in this case, not the Grand Jury's theory, is that the two named Defendants constructed a simple device capable of toppling a nine-story building at a public fishing lake and that one of them transported this device over two hundred miles without blowing himself up. That is the heart of the prosecution's case. Any evidence concerning the participation of others, the complexity of the device, or foreign involvement takes away the heart of the government's case and there is therefore an institutional interest on the part of the government in keeping such evidence shielded from the defense and the public.

Some critics argued that Jones' decision to wait until one week before the start of his client's trial to file the important and revealing document ensured that the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals would reject the motion.^[1357]

Other, such as prominent "Patriot" attorney Nancy Lord, insisted that Jones "should have violated the judge's order, presented evidence of a larger conspiracy to the jury, and gone to jail for contempt. If I would have been the defense attorney, some things are important enough to go to jail for," Lord said. "I am shocked at Stephen Jones' conduct in this case."

An attorney on Jones' legal team rated his defense as "no better than a C-minus," although he added, "I think he had some high-points."^[1358]

As Jones solemnly stated in November of 1995, "Some day, when you know what I know and what I have learned, and that day will come, you will never again think of the United States of America in the same way."

The American public never learned what Stephen Jones knows. Yet on the day of his sentencing, Timothy McVeigh finally spoke out: "Our government is the potent and omnipresent teacher for good or for ill," McVeigh boldly if somewhat enigmatically announced to the court. "It teaches the whole people by its example. That's all I have to say."^[1359]

Naturally, the government and many of the bombing victims took this as a sign of McVeigh's confession. The rest of the quote may shed some light on the meaning:

"Crime is contagious. If the government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for the law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy. To declare that in the administration of the criminal law the end justifies the means — to declare that the government may commit crimes in order to secure the conviction of a private criminal — would bring terrible retribution."

McVeigh also accused Jones of lying and screwing up. "The truth is this guy only succeeded in getting [me] the death sentence," said McVeigh, "and now he doesn't want to let go."

Asked what lies Jones told him, McVeigh was not specific: "It's for Congress, the bar, and the judiciary to investigate and discover. You would not believe some of the things that have occurred in this case. The man has repeatedly lied to me in the past."^[1360]

Obviously, Timothy McVeigh is holding his cards close to his vest. As Jones stated during his closing argument: "Two people share a terrible secret. One will not talk, the other is bound by law and can not talk."

The public still hasn't learned what that terrible secret is.

Other rumors abound that Jones — who stands to make millions in legal fees from the government — purposely threw the case.

"He is the most dishonest person I've ever met, including all the criminals I've defended," says his onetime law partner Alec McNaughton, who nevertheless describes Jones as "brilliant."^[1361]

As a young attorney in 1964, Jones began his career working for a lawyer named Richard Milhous Nixon. His clients have run the gamut from '60s radicals such as Abbie Hoffman to establishment politicians such as Governor Frank Keating.

Jones and Nichols' attorney Michael Tigar share a common bond through the late Edward Bennett Williams, senior partner of Williams & Connolly (later Williams, Wadden & Stein). Williams' client roster included Senator Joseph McCarthy, Mafia don Frank Costello, Teamster Jimmy Hoffa, industrialist Armand Hammer, and Texas Governor John Connally.

A man on intimate terms with the CIA, Williams was offered the post of CIA director by two presidents, a job which he declined, probably because he was already a de facto CIA official.^[1362]

While Jones openly admires Williams, Tigar was actually employed by him in the late '60s and mid 70s. Williams often referred to Tigar as his "most brilliant protégé."

A University of Texas Law School professor, Tigar himself claims an interesting bevy of clients, ranging from "Chicago Seven" member Angela Davis, who was tried for conspiracy to incite riots at the 1968 Democratic Convention, to John Demjanjuk, accused of being the notorious Nazi concentration camp guard "Ivan the Terrible."

Jones and Tigar have collaborated before, defending a controversial Oklahoma City psychotherapist.^[1363]

"Tigar is a passionate defender of people who have been oppressed by the government," said 24-year Oklahoma City attorney Jim Bellingham, who thinks the possibility of Jones and Tigar running "damage control" for the government is "hogwash."

"I can't imagine the man selling out, and nobody's going to tell him how to run his defense," said Bellingham.^[1364]

But former Nebraska State Senator John DeCamp, who investigated a child abuse ring run by high government officials, doesn't put much faith in Stephen Jones. DeCamp believes Jones actually made a deal with the feds. DeCamp represented a bombing victim in an early action against the Federal Government and was just about to file a motion to preserve the building as evidence. As he wrote in The Franklin Cover-Up:

Only hours before I was to file the legal papers for a civil action to keep the building standing, I was contacted by Timothy McVeigh's attorneys, who presented me with two major requests.

First, they asked that I allow them to file the motions to keep the building standing so that the investigation could be conducted. They had cogent legal arguments for this request: because McVeigh was/is under federal criminal charges, he had the definite legal right to keep the building standing under the federal rules of evidence which grant criminal defendants the right to preserve evidence that would significantly impact their defense. It was clear that if McVeigh's attorneys believed, or even suspected government cover-up, they would definitely want the building examined.

Their second request was that I release from retainer the bomb investigation team I had assembled — John A. Kennedy and Associates — which, they claimed, they wanted to hire.

I granted these requests to McVeigh's attorneys.

A few hours later, I watched in horror as CNN and all the national news channels reported that McVeigh's attorneys had no intent to file any motions to keep the Federal Building standing. They had "just reached agreement with the government," the reporters explained, to permit the building to be destroyed almost immediately.

Angry beyond belief, I called McVeigh's attorney and asked what they were doing. Since this all occurred on a weekend, I could take no legal action to stop the building's destruction. McVeigh's attorney told me, "Oh yes, we are going to allow the building to be destroyed." "Why?" I demanded. "Because we could not afford to pay the retainer fee that the Kennedy and Associates firm wanted," he answered.

Shocked by this feeble explanation, I asked, "Well, just how much do they want?" McVeigh's attorney floored me: "$30,000," he said. "and we have no resources to pay it, because we are a court-appointed attorney and there are no funds for this purpose."

"For God's sake!" I screamed at him. "I will raise the money! I will pay the fee! There's too much at stake for America. "How," I demanded, "can McVeigh go along with wanting that building destroyed, when that building is the one thing that can tell America the story of what really happened? I will get you the money, somehow, but don't refuse to keep the building up for that reason!"

My protests were futile. Within hours of my call, by mutual agreement between McVeigh's attorneys and the government prosecutors, the building was destroyed, and any evidence was destroyed with it.^[1365]

Jones desputed this, stating in a letter to the author:

…if anyone took the trouble to check the public filings in the case of United States v. McVeigh they will find that one of the very first Motions that I filed was to stop the implosion of the Murrah Building until the Defense could go in and take films and moving video pictures. The Court sustained my Motion and we were able, together with an architect and an explosives expert, to tour the building. Any claim that we made a "deal" with the Federal authorities to permit the demolition of the Murrah Building before the Defense could inspect if is absurd and contradicted by the public record.^[1366]

A source within the defense team told me that Jones' team actually did go into the building to conduct forensic analysis. The group consisted of a videographer, a still photographer, and one bomb expert, who were accompanied by several FBI and ATF agents. The source said that the bomb expert walked around with only a jeweler's loupe, no forensic kit, and did not take any samples for analysis. The agents restricted their passage through the building, and by the time they arrived, the crater had been filled.

Jones also made no mention of the amazing letter McVeigh sent to his sister, describing his recruitment into a secret government team involved in illegal activities, which she had read before the Federal Grand Jury.

What he did do was show a film about Waco, further reinforcing the allegations of his client's guilt, including the absurd notion that McVeigh murdered 25 innocent children in Oklahoma to avenge the murder of 25 innocent children at Waco.^[1367]

Did Jones have a quid pro quo with the government not to reveal any evidence that his client was a government agent? Did he purposely throw the case? His highly incriminating Writ of Mandamus and impressive opening statement tend to belie that theory. As Jones said in his opening statement:

"I know who bombed the Alfred P. Murrah building. It was NOT Tim McVeigh.

"Even more important, the government knows who bombed the Alfred P. Murrah building. The government knows it was NOT Tim McVeigh.

"The government also knows that its case against Tim McVeigh is corrupt. At its core, it's rotten. I will show you in what way, and why.

"The most important difference between us, is that the government won't tell you who bombed the Alfred P. Murrah building.

"I will."

Jones never got the chance. The exclusion of ATF informant Carol Howe sounded the death knell for other defense witnesses such as bomb expert General Benton Partin, seismologist Dr. Ray Brown, and the many witnesses who saw additional suspects. While the prosecution called 27 phone company employees to testify that McVeigh and Nichols used a pre-paid calling card to make chemical purchase inquiries, they didn't call even one of the many witnesses who would have placed McVeigh downtown on the morning of the blast!

While the government solicited the testimony of British explosives expert Linda Jones, McVeigh's attorney curiously did not call General Partin, who could have blown the lid off the government's single bomb theory.

"The judge would not permit… in his ruling he would not permit anything except one man, one bomb," said Partin. "…they structured the whole case — the whole prosecution — completely eliminating the building and anything to do with it.… because they couldn't afford to get into that."

Referring to Jones, Partin added, "I didn't expect to be called by these guys. I had absolutely no confidence in them. I didn't expect it — not from Jones."^[1368]

In response, Jones said, "I did not put Partin on the stand because my experts do not credit his theory.…"^[1369]

Yet the question still remains: why didn't Jones take the issue of Judge Matsch's illegal decisions before the Appellate or Supreme Courts? Jones replied by stating that the appellate court "refused to accept jurisdiction of the case and said [it] would review the issues on appeal, if there was a conviction."^[1370]

Some have speculated that the millions Jones stands to make in legal fees from the government played a part in his apparently poor defense.

Those who expected a similarly poor defense from Michael Tigar were shocked to find him introducing evidence of other suspects, and putting ATF informant Carol Howe on the witness stand.^[1371]

No doubt Nichols' conviction of conspiracy and involuntary manslaughter stemmed from the critical opinions jurors had of the prosecution's "limited hang-out."

"I do not believe that the government gave us the whole case," said Linda Morgan, one of the jurors who decided Nichols only had a minor role in the bomb plot. McVeigh, she said, "was seen with too many other people. Who were these other people?"

"I think that the government perhaps really dropped the ball," said jury forewoman Niki Deutchman, who criticized the FBI for halting its investigation after arresting Nichols and McVeigh.^[1372]

"I think there are other people out there," she said, recalling defense witnesses who saw others with McVeigh before the bombing. "I think this was a horrible thing to have done… and I doubt two people were able to bring it off."^[1373]

Deutchman also criticized the FBI for sloppy crime lab procedures, and claimed agents were "arrogant" for failing to tape-record Nichols' initial 9-hour interrogation. "It seems arrogant to me on the part of the FBI to say, you know, 'We have good recall and you can take what we have said.'"^[1374]

Nor could jurors agree on the scope of Nichols' involvement. While most believed he played a major role, others questioned if he did much at all or had backed out completely or been coerced.

"Some people felt he wasn't involved at all in building the bomb," Deutchman said before echoing an oft-repeated mantra from the defense: "I think he was building a life."

Juror Holly Hanlin, too, felt the government failed to fully prove its case. "We couldn't find enough evidence to convince at least all of us that he intended, that he was involved from the very beginning, that he built the bomb. We felt that evidence was shaky at best…."^[1375]

Others, like juror Keith Brookshier, said"[I] know that Terry Nichols was into it up to his eyeballs and that's the only thing I had to decide.… We're not trying John Doe 2, or 3 or 4 or whatever." U.S. Attorney Beth Wilkinson naturally added her voice to the ensemble, stating that "sightings of John Doe 2 were about as common and about as credible as sightings of Elvis."^[1376]

As the trial of Terry Nichols winds down, the public's attention will resolve itself to the latest scandal, reported in the same exposé-tabloid fashion that riveted its attention on the O.J. Simpson trial. As in both cases, the relevant facts will remain obscured behind the colored smoke and lights of what will certainly be more circus trials. Attorney Larry Becraft told Media Bypass, "They got Oswald, they got James Earl Ray, they got McVeigh and once they're finished with Nichols, they've offered the public a couple of sacrificial lambs, and they hope it will all go away."

By the time this book is published, a few select facts may be brought to light. They will first be revealed by a few victims' families, angrily demanding justice; by the few public officials courageous enough to risk their careers. And finally, they will be echoed in the courts by the inevitable specter of civil litigation.

Then, the powers that be will hasten to construct a new layer of damage control, and the cover-up will begin anew. Like the crime scene quickly demolished, and the John Does that never existed, this new "limited-hangout," in the form of a few "startling revelations," will be used as a dam, to hold back the onrushing tide of truth.

Will Timothy McVeigh ever choose to reveal that truth — what he knows of it — or will it go with him to the grave, or die with him in a prison "suicide?"

As Fletcher Prouty states: "The whole story of the power of the cover-up comes down to a few points. There has never been a grand jury and trial in Texas (referring to Lee Harvey Oswald). Without a trial there can be nothing. Without a trial it does no good for researchers to dig up data. It has no place to go and what the researchers reveal just helps make the cover-up tighter, or they eliminate that evidence and the researcher."^[1377]

The government illegally prevented a state trial in Dallas in 1963, as they tried to do in Oklahoma City in 1995. It came down to one courageous District Attorney in New Orleans to open up that can of worms.

As this book went to press, a County Grand Jury, convened at the behest of two courageous men in Oklahoma, began hearing evidence.

Will these jurors will more objective and effective than the highly manipulated Federal Grand Jury? One juror, Ben Baker, was quoted in The Daily Oklahoman as saying: "Everyone I've talked to believes this is a waste of time and taxpayers' money. I believe the same thing."

Another juror, Kenneth Rickenbrode, is a lieutenant with OCPD Internal Affairs, which should serve rather nicely to hamstring any serious inquiry into the murder of OCPD Officer Terrance Yeakey.

Fortunately, Bob Macy's Chief Assistant DA, Pat Morgan and Assistant DA Suzanne Lister-Gump are on hand to "advise" the jurors and "pre-screen" the evidence.

Charming.

Representative Key had little choice but to work with Macy's people, the alternative being a special prosecutor being appointed by political hacks Attorney General Drew Edmondson or Governor Frank Keating. Although Key could have objected to both Edmondson and Keating based on their obvious prejudice, he felt the Supreme Court would have sat on the issue, perhaps not appointing a special prosecutor for over a year. After waiting two years, he was anxious to get the process started. The choice was "deciding between bad, worse, and worse," said Key, who now believes that Macy is "on our side."^[1378][1379]

Bob Macy — a man who "investigated" the case by thumbing through an old copy of The Turner Diaries — now insists he intends to uncover the truth. "I'm prepared to do what ever it takes to get to the truth!" Macy declared. "My sole intent is in learning the truth." This Macy stated to the author five months before he kowtowed to "Justice" Department wishes in opposing the grand jury.

Of course, Macy's most telling statement came when he was asked if he intended to pursue an investigation independent of the feds. "Well… I don't want to be a party to anything that will interfere with the Feds' prosecution," said Macy. "I don't want to open up a new can of worms." ^[1380]

This is not surprising, coming from a man who refused to prosecute eight felony indictments against a sitting governor who was a campaign manager for President Clinton.

Consequently, Key petitioned the Oklahoma Supreme Court to order Macy to do his job. In reply, Macy stated, "I am going to do my job. This action by him won't have any effect one way or another. I am still going to do it the way it is supposed to be done."

Former Congressman George Hansen (R-ID) thinks Macy, whom he says was "straddling the fence," has now turned around. "Look, "he's obligated to do the will of the establishment," said Hansen. "He went along… with defending the establishment."

An old friend of Macy's from Washington, D.C., Hansen learned the hard way what it's like to suffer at the hands of a corrupt and vindictive "Justice" Department. Not one to easily trust the Federal Government, Hansen genuinely believes his old friend from the Department of Agriculture is now honestly going to challenge that government. "Give the guy a chance to turn around," said Hansen. "He honestly wants that grand jury to come out with as much of the truth as possible."^[1381]

If true, perhaps Macy should imbue a sence of open-mindedness in his so-called investigators. In an affidavit filed by Richard Sinnett, the eyewitness claims that one of Macy's investigators made sarcastic comments to him about the grand jury investigation shortly before he was subpoenaed.

Sinnett could not identify the person. However, he said in the signed affidavit, the man who called him said "he did not know why he was having to do this, that Charles Key was pushing this and that nothing would come of it and that is was a waste of time."

Naturally, Macy's office denied the charge.

Perhaps the Supreme Court should order Judge Burkette, presiding over the County Grand Jury, to do his job. Burkett attempted to disallow hearsay evidence to be presented to the grand jury — a clear violation of Oklahoma grand jury procedures.^[1382]

"Do not accept hearsay," Burkett said in his opening instructions to the grand jurors. "Hear only those witnesses who would present facts, which if true, would substantiate an indictable offense and not needlessly delay the courts in their other functions by listening to radical persons or facts about which you could do nothing if it were true."^[1383]

"…radical persons or facts about which you could do nothing if it were true"??? Judge Burkett's subtle signal is suspiciously reminiscent of the 1976 House Select Committee on Assassinations investigation of the Kennedy assassination, which admitted that the evidence led to a probable conspiracy. No indicments were ever handed down.

KFOR's Jayna Davis, who testified before the Grand Jury, didn't miss this subtle signal. She told The Daily Oklahoman she expects prosecutors "to express a legitimate interest" in pursuing indictments against the suspects her witnesses identified.^[1384]

Even if Macy and Burkette are eventually forced to do their jobs, the FBI can undoubtedly be counted on to intimidate key witnesses, as they did in the federal trial. Kay H., who saw Hussain al-Hussaini speed away in the brown pick-up, reportedly is afraid to testify before the Grand Jury, after publicly stating — twice — that Hussaini was the man she saw. Gary Lewis, the Journal Record pressman who was almost run over by McVeigh and John Doe 2, has now recanted his story. After his testimony before the County Grand Jury, Professor Ray Brown of the University of Oklahoma had a change of heart: "There's no evidence in the [seismographic] bomb signals for any additional charges," Brown told reporters.^[1385]

The federal agents who might be subpoenaed will no doubt attempt to quash them on the grounds of "national security."

It is been rumored that no grand jury indictments will ever be returned.

Said Stephen Jones, "…a living nightmare for the Department of Justice is an Oklahoma state criminal trial, not only a nightmare for them, but a nightmare for the intelligence community, for the ATF. There isn't going to be any Oklahoma trial.…"

"If I thought the State of Oklahoma was really interested in the truth as opposed to just some political side show," added Jones, "I would insist that Mr. McVeigh have a state trial and demand that he be released to the state authorities. But this is all politics."^[1386]

"What [Joseph Hartzler] is trying to do is not have people learn," said McVeigh in an interview from his prison cell. "He wants to have them put their heads in the sand."

What McVeigh states may be an unfortunate axiom. Many Americans aren't interested in knowing the truth. Like Becraft said, they want it to go away. They don't want to open up a new can of worms. Many people, even those in Oklahoma, don't want to believe that the government, or elements within that government, could or would, do, or cover-up, such an evil act.

However, "very few will cover up the violent deaths of their sons and daughters, or the children of a close family friend, no matter what the price," argued a poster to an Internet newsgroup called OKBOMB.^[1387]

Surprisingly, many of these people — including a significant number of bombing victims — are naive, intellectually lazy, and unreasonably indignant. Like this poster, these people haven't done their homework regarding the legion of evil and corruption in this country, so they don't have any basis for understanding or challenging it. Driven solely by instinct and emotion, and speaking from a place of ignorance, they react angrily to those attempting to expose the truth, whatever that truth might be.

Simply stated, they are in denial. Such denial absolves one of the responsibility of having to do something about the problem — to take a stand — and, on an even deeper level, to challenge their comfortably held belief systems. While the public servants who know the truth and choose to remain silent are guilty accomplices after-the-fact, to deny that such a truth exists to begin with is intellectual cowardice. Faced with such a choice between examining their falsely cherished values and, consequently, themselves, most people opt for the safer approach.

As another OKBOMB poster observed, "They want their lives to go on as easily as possible, without being harassed by the government, but without admitting to themselves that they sold their souls for a continued paycheck and a good credit rating."^[1388]

The author has no respect or sympathy for such individuals, or for that matter, the majority of Americans who mindlessly subscribe to the baleful fantasies perpetrated by government liars and mainstream media whores. They can twist in the wind.

Two hundred years ago, Samuel Adams said: "If ye love wealth better than liberty, the tranquillity of servitude better than the animating contest of freedom, go home from us in peace. We ask not your counsels or arms. Crouch down and lick the hands which feed you.…"

Fortunately, there are enough people who want to know the truth. These are the people worth fighting for. Approximately 500 bombing victims and their relatives are beginning to seek answers. They have brought two civil suits against the Federal Government. The suits seek to prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that the government had advance knowledge of the plot but failed to stop it, in what amounted, at least on one level, to a sting operation gone wrong.^[1389]

As Stephen Jones said in his opening statement, "Outrageously, the government shares part of the blame. It's hands have blood on them as surely as the hands of the man who lit the fuse. Horrifically, the government knew what was coming, but failed to stop it. Then it covered up its role for fear of being held accountable for its inexcusable conduct."

The acquittal of ATF informant Carol Howe and the resulting publicity surrounding Elohim City will no doubt affect the balance of evidence. Yet given the fact that no Middle Eastern witnesses have been called (at least as of this writing), the revelations of Howe will only serve to highlight the role that neo-Nazi elements played in the bombing — to the exclusion of the Arab faction.

This is nothing more than a "limited hang-out." Given the government/mass-media propaganda effort aimed at linking McVeigh and Nichols to the Militia Movement, and the Militia Movement to the neo-Nazi community, the end result differs little from the government's original premise — that the militias, being essentially neo-Nazis, are in effect, responsible for the bombing.

Should Howe's testimony reveal the government's prior knowledge, perhaps the ATF, FBI, and the "Justice" Department will eventually be forced to admit a minor role in their "tragic blunder," and those starved for a little truth will be, at last, temporarily satisfied.

Then the hearings will begin. Like the Warren Commission, the Watergate hearings, or the Iran-Contra hearings, it will eventually be revealed that a few bad apples, acting alone and outside the realm of official responsibility, were "negligent." Inevitable wrists will be slapped.

Then, as the hearings draw to a close, the deeper and more pressing questions will be swept under the rug, as the shock and tragedy of the moment gradually fades in the wake of next year's TV sitcoms. Those who orchestrated the conspiracy will disappear into the invisable cracks of time, protected by the same malignant forces that nurtured them into being.

One Congressman who allegedly displayed an interest in alternative bombing evidence was Senator Arlen Specter. As a young assistant prosecutor on the Warren Commission, Specter propounded the "magic bullet" theory. Now, on the same day as the bombing, Specter's foregone conclusions could be heard on McNeil-Lerher, propounding the "magic bomb" theory.

Soon after, Specter, who is head of the Senate Intelligence Committee, asked KFOR for all the evidence they'd collected on John Doe 2. No doubt the good Senator's collecting this information for the next Warren Commission report.^[1390]

One American's foregone conclusion of the Oklahoma City bombing may be more revealing however. It is from a letter sent to the hospitalized survivors by a 3rd grade boy. It reads:

Hello, I hope you feel better from the explosion in Oklahoma. I wish it never happened. I felt sad when it happened. I felt bad for the people who died and the people who got hurt. That's only the beginning of what's going to happen to America. Hope you feel better.