The Assassinations of Robert Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King and Lyndon B. Johnson's Withdrawal in 1968
Also on this page:
Chapter 7 - - - -The Control of the Kennedys - Threats & Chappaquiddick
Chapter 8 - - - -1972 / Muskie, Wallace and McGovern
The Assassinations of Robert Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King and Lyndon B. Johnson's Withdrawal in 1968
The Power Control Group faced several dangers in 1968. While President Johnson had cooperated fully with their desires in Viet Nam and in other parts of the world, he had not met their requirements in other areas. He had gone too far in appeasing the blacks and had shown some signs of giving in to the young people in America in early 1968. Through threats to expose his role in covering up the truth about the JFK assassination or personal threats to the safety of his family, the Group forced his withdrawal from the 1968 election race. Their plan now was to install Richard Nixon as president at all costs.
Robert Kennedy and Dr. King posed real threats to this plan. Dr. King was beginning a movement in the direction of a coalition with Malcom X followers and other black militant groups. He was speaking out against the Viet Nam war. His influence might help defeat Nixon at the polls. So the Power Control Group created an environment in which he could be assassinated by his arch enemies.
The FBI and J. Edgar Hoover had become a vital part of the Power Control Group by 1968. Hoover had no love for King and was harrassing him in several ways. The Power Control Group undoubtedly let Hoover know that it wouldn't be a bad idea to have King out of the way before the election campaigns really warmed up. They also passed the word along to some of the groups who were out to murder King that the crime would probably not be stopped. Fletcher Prouty has described this approach in some detail. The net result of these actions was the assassination of Dr. King by a group of wealthy white bigots who employed two of the intelligence community's own expert assassins. One of these men, Frenchy, had fired shots at JFK. The other, Jack Youngblood, was a soldier of fortune and CIA contract killer. They recruited James Earl Ray and set him up as a patsy.
The FBI removed King's protection in Memphis and after the assassination they took the case out of the hands of the local police to control and suppress the evidence of conspiracy. Hoover did not know exactly who was going to assassinate King or where. He did not know in advance who the patsy was supposed to be. The best evidence in support of this is that from April to June 1968 the identity of the patsy was a mystery, first unidentified, then identified as Eric Starvo Galt, then as Raymond Sneyd, and finally as James Earl Ray. If Hoover had been in on the plan, Ray's identity would probably have been revealed immediately. In fact, the scenario might have been similar to the JFK case, with Ray being killed in a shoot-out.
After Ray was identified and arrested in London, Hoover and the Justice Department had to manufacture some evidence to get Ray back to the U.S. They had no qualms about bribing one witness, Charlie Stevens, to do this. They forced him to say he had seen Ray. Then a new problem arose. Ray began telling the truth to his lawyer and a writer, William Bradford Huie. He almost revealed Frenchy's true identity. The Power Control Group, led by J. Edgar Hoover, solved this problem by getting rid of Ray's lawyer, Arthur Hanes, and they hired Percy Foreman to keep Ray quiet. They also were forced to pay off or frighten off author Huie who had by then become convinced Ray was telling him the truth. Huie had found several witnesses who had seen Ray and Frenchy together.
The group got Foreman to talk Ray into pleading guilty and Huie to retract his conspiracy talk and publish an article and a book claiming Ray was the lone assassin. Ever since Ray was put away for 99 years, the FBI and the Power Control Group have been hard at work covering up the truth, bribing or influencing judges who have heard Ray's appeals for a trial, publishing disinformation like Gerold Franck's book, "An American Assassin," suppressing evidence, and placing key witnesses in psychiatric wards. It is still going on. They have killed at least one reporter--Louis Lomax--who was getting too close to the truth. The local D.A., Phil Canale, was brought into the conspiracy along with Percy Foreman, Judge Battle, Fred Vinson (who extradited Ray, using Stevens' false affidavit), and local authorities who committed Grace Walden Stevens to a mental institution because she knew Charlie had been dead drunk and saw nothing.
The mechanics of the assassination are as follows: Youngblood and Frenchy recruited Ray in Montreal for smuggling drugs into the U.S. from Mexico and Canada. They recruited him in the assassination plan in such a way as to make him believe they were smuggling guns to Cuba.
Frenchy (Ray knew him as Raoul) set up Ray as a patsy by planting evidence with Ray's prints on it near the fake firing point. He persuaded Ray to rent a room opposite Dr. King's motel, to buy a rifle with telescopic sight, and a white Mustang, and park the Mustang outside the rooming house to wait for Frenchy to come out. Youngblood stationed himself on a grassy knoll beneath the rooming house where Frenchy was located. When King came out on his balcony, Youngblood killed him with one shot fired at an upward angle. Frenchy ran from his perch overlooking King's balcony. He made plenty of noise to attract attention, and dropped a bag full of items with Ray's prints on them in front of an amusement parlor next door to the rooming house.
Frenchy must have had some anxious moments then because Ray had driven the Mustang to a gas station a few blocks away to have a low tire pumped up. Three witnesses remember his being there. When Ray returned, not yet knowing what had happened, Frenchy told him to drive away toward the edge of town where Frenchy got out of the back seat. Ray drove on to Atlanta with the intention of meeting Frenchy there.
Meanwhile, Youngblood mingled with the crowd under King's balcony and then faded away. A false trail was created by another member of the team who drove away in a second white Mustang and then created a fake auto chase on the police band radio. Youngblood was tracked down by various reporters in early 1976 and began negotiating to tell his story for a very high price. Meanwhile, judge after judge and court after court keep turning down Bernard Fensterwald and James Cesar, Ray's new lawyers, who appealed for a new trial.
All of the information above has been reported with factual evidence backing it up in several articles, one book, and at Ray's legal hearing for a new trial in Memphis in 1975.
After Dr. King was eliminated, the Power Control Group faced a much greater threat. Robert Kennedy began his quest for the presidency. There was little doubt in the minds of anyone in the Group that Kennedy would be nominated as Democratic candidate at the convention, and would have a very good chance of defeating Richard Nixon. This would be a near certainty if Eugene McCarthy decided to drop out and support Senator Kennedy. Robert Kennedy represented a double threat to the Group in that he would undoubtedly expose them after becoming president and seize control.
The plan they adopted was again to create an environment in which it would be easy for an enemy like the Minutemen or the Mafia or certain local hate groups in California to assassinate RFK and get away with it by setting up another patsy. Available at the time was a CIA agent planted inside the Los Angeles police department. Strong influence was brought to bear on chief of police, Ed Davis, to remove all official protection for Senator Kennedy in the Ambassador Hotel. Arrangements were made for the Ace Guard Service to supply three extreme right wing, militant guards at the hotel to guard the Senator after his victory speech. One of these was Thane Eugene Cesar, a known Kennedy hater and friend of a group of Southern California Minutemen. He was also almost certainly a CIA contract agent or "blind" assassin. At the same time another group was recruited to hypnotize Sirhan Sirhan and to program him for firing some shots in Robert Kennedy's direction. Two hypnotists and at least three other people were involved in the framing of Sirhan.
Cesar killed Robert Kennedy from behind while Sirhan was firing under hypnosis from in front of the Senator. His programmed signal was given by a girl in a polka dot dress and another young Arabic man with them in the pantry.
After the crime, the FBI, the CIA agent (Manny Pena), the District Attorney's office (Evelle Younger and Joseph Busch) and the Los Angeles Police Department (Ed Davis, Robert Houghton and others), knowing the truth, all teamed up to suppress all other evidence except that which was aimed at framing Sirhan. The Power Control Group has since wielded its influence to keep the RFK case under wraps. They pushed legislation through the California legislature to lock up the evidence. They put Thomas Noguchi, the L.A. County Coroner who wouldn't keep quiet about the autopsy evidence which proved conspiracy, in an insane asylum. They arranged for the FBI report on the assassination to be classified and locked up. They killed at least one person who knew what had happened. They controlled the media on the subject, especially the "Los Angeles Times" through its owner, Norman Chandler, and his friend Evelle Younger, who became California State Attorney General.
After Al Lowenstein, Jerry Brown, Paul Schrade, Vincent Bugliosi, Robert Vaughn, Tom Bradley and others began to try to expose the truth, the Group fought back by setting up their own expert ballistics panel and buying or frightening them into distorting the evidence proving there were two guns fired. The Group is certainly not through yet. More planted disinformation can be expected and more bribing of judges and expert witnesses. There may be more killings. Cesar's life and the lives of the two hypnotists won't be worth much if they ever start talking.
 "The Fourth Force" -- L. Fletcher Prouty -- "Gallery Magazine" -- December, 1975
 "Frame Up: The Martin Luther King/James Earl Ray Case" -- Harold Weisberg -- E.P. Dutton -- 1971
"The Assassination of Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr." -- R.E. Sprague -- "Computers & Automation," December 1970
"The Assassination of Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. -- Parts I to II" -- Wayne Chastain -- "Computers & Automation," December 1974.
 Most of the above information has been published in a series of articles and in two books and one movie.
"The Assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy" -- R.E. Sprague -- "Computers & Automation" -- September 1972 and October 1970
"RFK Must Die" -- Robert Blair Kaiser -- 1970
"The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, A Searching Look at the Conspiracy and Cover-Up 1968-1978" -- William Turner and John Christian -- 1978
"The Second Gun" -- Documentary Movie -- Ted Charach -- American Films -- Beverly Hills
The Control of the Kennedys - Threats & Chappaquiddick
Through the years the most common question of all has been: "If there was a conspiracy in the JFK assassination, why didn't Robert Kennedy find out about it and take some action? And if there was a conspiracy in the RFK assassination why haven't Ted Kennedy and Ethel Kennedy done something about it?" No one except the Kennedys know the answers to these questions for sure. However, there are plenty of clues and some other Power Control Group actions to provide the answers to us.
First of all, thanks to Jackie Kennedy Onassis' butler in Athens, Greece, Christain Cafarakis, we know why Jackie did nothing after her husband's death. In a book published in 1972, Cafarakis tells about an investigation Jackie had conducted by a famous New York City detective agency into the assassination of JFK in 1964 and 1965. It was financed by Aristotle Onassis and resulted in a report in the spring of 1965 telling who the four gunmen were and who was behind them. Jackie planned to give the report to LBJ but was stopped by a threat from the Power Control Group to kill her and her children. Ted, Bobby and other family members knew about the report and the threat.
The second clue is Chappaquiddick. A careful examination of the real evidence in this event shows that Ted Kennedy was framed in the killing of Mary Joe Kopechne and then his life and his children's lives threatened if he ever told the truth about what happened. The facts in the case and the conclusions that can be drawn from them are contained in a book by Boston researcher Robert Cutler.
The third clue is Ted's withdrawal from the presidential race in November 1975. It is a fact that all of his and Robert's children were being protected by the Secret Service for five days in November 1975. A threat had been made against the children's lives unless he officially announced his withdrawal. He made the announcement and has stuck to it ever since. The Secret Service protection ended the day after he made the announcement.
It does not seem likely that Senator Kennedy would withdraw from the race because of a threat from a lone nut or from some obscure group. He remembers the 1965 threat and Chappaquiddick very well. He knows about the Power Control Group and he knows their enormous capability. He knows what they did to his brothers. He has no choice but to hope that somehow, sometime, the Group will be exposed. But he dares not let them believe he would ever have anything to do with it. Publicly he will always have to support the Warren Commission and continue to state that he will not run for president. Privately he is forced to ask his closest friends and his relatives not to get involved with new investigations, and to help protect his children. Some of them know the truth. Others do not, and are puzzled by his behavior. They go along with it under the assumption that he has good and sufficient reasons not to open the can of worms represented by the conspiracies in his brother's deaths.
The Power Control Group faced up to the Ted Kennedy and Kennedy family problem very early. They used the threat against the Kennedy children's lives very effectively between 1963 and 1968 to silence Bobby and the rest of the family and friends who knew the truth. It was necessary to assassinate Bobby in 1968 because with the power of the presidency he could have prevented the Group from harming the children. When Teddy began making moves to run for president in 1969 for the 1972 election, the Group decided to put some real action behind their threats. Killing Teddy in 1969 would have been too much. They selected a new way of eliminating him as a candidate. They framed him with the death of a young girl, and threw sexual overtones in for good measure.
Here is what happened according to Cutler's analysis of the evidence. The Group hired several men and at least one woman to be at Chappaquiddick during the weekend of the yacht race and the planned party on the island. They ambushed Ted and Mary Jo after they left the cottage and knocked Ted out with blows to his head and body. They took the unconscious or semi-conscious Kennedy to Martha's Vineyard and deposited him in his hotel room. Another group took Mary Jo to the bridge in Ted's car, force fed her with a knock out potion of alcoholic beverage, placed her in the back seat, and caused the car to accelerate off the side of the bridge into the water. They broke the windows on one side of the car to insure the entry of water; then they watched the car until they were sure Mary Jo would not escape.
Mary Jo actually regained consciousness and pushed her way to the top of the car (which was actually the bottom of the car--it had landed on its roof) and died from asphyxiation. The group with Teddy revived him early in the morning and let him know he had a problem. Possibly they told him that Mary Jo had been kidnapped. They told him his children would be killed if he told anyone what had happened and that he would hear from them. On Chappaquiddick, the other group made contact with Markham and Gargan, Ted's cousin and lawyer. They told both men that Mary Jo was at the bottom of the river and that Ted would have to make up a story about it, not revealing the existence of the group. One of the men resembled Ted and his voice sounded something like Ted's. Markham and Gargan were instructed to go the the Vineyard on the morning ferry, tell Ted where Mary Jo was, and come back to the island to wait for a phone call at a pay station near the ferry on the Chappaquiddick side.
The two men did as they were told and Ted found out what had happened to Mary Jo that morning. The three men returned to the pay phone and received their instructions to concoct a story about the "accident" and to report it to the police. The threat against Ted's children was repeated at that time.
Ted, Markham and Gargan went right away to police chief Arena's office on the Vineyard where Ted reported the so-called "accident." Almost at the same time scuba diver John Farror was pulling Mary Jo out of the water, since two boys who had gone fishing earlier that morning had spotted the car and reported it.
Ted called together a small coterie of friends and advisors including family lawyer Burke Marshall, Robert MacNamara, Ted Sorenson, and others. They met on Squaw Island near the Kennedy compound at Hyannisport for three days. At the end of that time they had manufactured the story which Ted told on TV, and later at the inquest. Bob Cutler calls the story, "the shroud." Even the most cursory examination of the story shows it was full of holes and an impossible explanation of what happened. Ted's claim that he made the wrong turn down the dirt road toward the bridge by mistake is an obvious lie. His claim that he swam the channel back to Martha's Vineyard is not believable. His description of how he got out of the car under water and then dove down to try to rescue Mary Jo is impossible. Markham and Gargan's claims that they kept diving after Mary Jo are also unbelievable.
The evidence for the Cutler scenario is substantial. It begins with the marks on the bridge and the position of the car in the water. The marks show that the car was standing still on the bridge and then accelerated off the edge, moving at a much higher speed than Kennedy claimed. The distance the car travelled in the air also confirms this. The damage to the car on two sides and on top plus the damage to the windshield and the rear view mirror stanchion prove that some of the damage had to have been inflicted before the car left the bridge.
The blood on the back and on the sleeves of Mary Jo's blouse proves that a wound was inflicted before she left the bridge. The alcohol in her bloodstream proves she was drugged, since all witnesses testified she never drank and did not drink that night. The fact that she was in the back seat when her body was recovered indicates that is where she was when the car hit the water. There was no way she could have dived downward against the inrushing water and moved from the front to the back seat underneath the upside-down seat back.
The wounds on the back of Ted Kennedy's skull, those just above his ear and the large bump on the top indicate he was knocked out. His actions at the hotel the next morning show he was not aware of Mary Jo's death until Markham and Gargan arrived. The trip to the pay phone on Chappaquiddick can only be explained by his receiving a call there, not making one. There were plenty of pay phones in or near Ted's hotel if he needed to make a private call. The tides in the channel and the direction in which Ted claimed he swam do not match. In addition it would have been a superhuman feat to have made it across the channel (as proven by several professionals who subsequently tried it).
Deputy Sheriff Christopher Look's testimony, coupled with the testimony of Ray LaRosa and two Lyons girls, proves that there were two people in Ted's car with Mary Jo at 12:45 PM. The three party members walking along the road south toward the cottage confirmed the time that Mr. Look drove by. He stopped to ask if they needed a ride. Look says that just prior to that he encountered Ted's car parked facing north at the juncture of the main road and the dirt road. It was on a short extension of the north-south section of the road junction to the north of the "T". He says he saw a man driving, a woman in the seat beside him, and what he thought was another woman lying on the back seat. He remembered a portion of the license plate which matched Ted's car, as did the description of the car. Markham, Gargan and Ted's driver's testimony show that someone they talked to in the pitch black night sounded like Ted and was about his height and build.
None of the above evidence was ever explained by Ted or by anyone else at the inquest or at the hearing on the case demanded by district attorney Edward Dinis. No autopsy was ever allowed on Mary Jo's body (her family objected), and Ted made it possible to fly her body home for burial rather quickly. Kennedy haters have seized upon Chappaquiddick to enlarge the sexual image now being promoted of both Ted and Jack Kennedy. Books like "Teddy Bare" take full advantage of the situation.
Just which operatives in the Power Control Group at the high levels or the lower levels were on Chappaquiddick Island? No definite evidence has surfaced as yet, except for an indication that there was at least one woman and at least three men, one of whom resembled Ted Kennedy and who sounded like him in the darkness. However, two pieces of testimony in the Watergate hearings provide significant clues as to which of the known JFK case conspirators may have been there.
E. Howard Hunt told of a strange trip to Hyannisport to see a local citizen there about the Chappaquiddick incident. Hunt's cover story on this trip was that he was digging up dirt on Ted Kennedy for use in the 1972 campaign. The story does not make much sense if one questions why Hunt would have to wear a disguise, including his famous red wig, and to use a voice-alteration device to make himself sound like someone else. If, on the other hand, Hunt's purpose was to return to the scene of his crime just to make sure that no one who might have seen his group at the bridge or elsewhere would talk, then the disguise and the voice box make sense.
The other important testimony came from Tony Ulasewicz who said he was ordered by the Plumbers to fly immediately to Chappaquiddick and dig up dirt on Ted. The only problem Tony has is that, according to his testimony, he arrived early on the morning of the "accident", before the whole incident had been made public. Ulasewicz is the right height and weight to resemble Kennedy and with a CIA voice-alteration device he presumably could be made to sound like him. There is a distinct possibility that Hunt and Tony were there when it happened.
The threats by the Power Control Group, the frame-up at Chappaquiddick, and the murders of Jack and Bobby Kennedy cannot have failed to take their toll on all of the Kennedys. Rose, Ted, Jackie, Ethel and the other close family members must be very tired of it all by now. They can certainly not be blamed for hoping it will all go away. Investigations like those proposed by Henry Gonzalez and Thomas Downing only raised the spectre of the powerful Control Group taking revenge by kidnapping some of the seventeen children.
It was no wonder that a close Kennedy friend and ally in California, Representative Burton, said that he would oppose the Downing and Gonzalez resolutions unless Ted Kennedy put his stamp of approval on them. While the sympathies of every decent American go out to them, the future of our country and the freedom of the people to control their own destiny through the election process mean more than the lives of all the Kennedys put together. If John Kennedy were alive today he would probably make the same statement.
John Dean summed it up when he said to Richard Nixon as recorded on the White House tapes in 1973: "If Teddy knew the bear trap he was walking into at Chappaquiddick. . . ."
 "The fabulous Jackie" -- Christian Cafarakis -- Productions de Paris -- 1972
 "You the Jury" -- Robert Cutler -- Self Published -- 1974
 A rope attached to the stick which held the Oldsmobile throttle wide open caught the drivers rear view mirror and tore it loose so that it was hanging by the rear bolt. There was no other mark on the left side of the car.
 A sliver of glass from two broken windows no doubt caused this bleeding since Mary Jo was already face down and unconscious in the rear seat. Since there was no autopsy this clean cut went unnoticed by the embalmers.
 On page 121, "White House Tapes," Paperback Edition, published by New York Times
1972 - Muskie, Wallace and McGovern
In 1972 the Power Control Group was faced with another set of problems. Again the objective was to insure Nixon's election at all costs and to continue the cover-ups. Nixon might have made it on his own. We'll never know because the Group guaranteed his election by eliminating two strong candidates and completely swamping another with tainted leftist images and a psychiatric case for the vice presidential nominee. The impression that Nixon had in early 1972 was that he stood a good chance of losing. He imagined enemies everywhere and a press he was sure was out to get him.
The Power Control Group realized this too. They began laying out a strategy that would encourage the real nuts in the Nixon administration like E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy and Donald Segretti to eliminate any serious opposition. The dirty tricks campaign worked perfectly against the strongest early Democratic candidate, Edmund Muskie. He withdrew in tears, later to discover he had been sabotaged by Nixon, Liddy and company.
George Wallace was another matter. At the time he was shot, he was drawing 18% of the vote according to the polls, and most of that was in Nixon territory. The conservative states such as Indiana were going for Wallace. He was eating into Nixon's southern strength. In April the polls showed McGovern pulling a 41%, Nixon 41% and Wallace 18%. It was going to be too close for comfort, and it might be thrown into the House- in which case Nixon would surely lose. There was the option available of eliminating George McGovern, but then the Democrats might come up with Hubert Humphrey or someone else even more dangerous than McGovern. Nixon's best chance was a head-on contest with McGovern. Wallace had to go. Once the group made that decision, the Liddy team seemed to be the obvious group to carry it out. But how could it be done this time and still fool the people? Another patsy this time? O.K., but how about having him actually kill the Governor? The answer to that was an even deeper programming job than that done on Sirhan. This time they selected a man with a lower I.Q. level who could be hypnotized to really shoot someone, realize it later, and not know that he had been programmed. He would have to be a little wacky, unlike Oswald, Ruby or Ray.
Arthur Bremer was selected. The first contacts were made by people who knew both Bremer and Segretti in Milwaukee. They were members of a leftist organization planted there as provocateurs by the intelligence forces within the Power Control Group. One of them was a man named Dennis Cossini.
Bremer was programmed over a period of months. He was first set to track Nixon and then Wallace. When his hand held the gun in Laurel, Maryland, it might just as well have been in the hand of Donald Segretti, E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy, Richard Helms, or Richard Nixon.
With Wallace's elimination from the race and McGovern's increasing popularity in the primaries, the only question remaining for the Power Control Group was whether McGovern had any real chance of winning. The polls all showed Wallace's vote going to Nixon and a resultant landslide victory. That, of course, is exactly what happened. It was never close enough to worry the Group very much. McGovern, on the other hand, was worried. By the time of the California primary he and his staff had learned enough about the conspiracies in the assassinations of John and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King that they asked for increased Secret Service protection in Los Angeles.
If the Power Control Group had decided to kill Mr. McGovern the Secret Service would not have been able to stop it. However, they did not, because the election was a sure thing. They did try one more dirty trick. They revealed Thomas Eagleton's psychiatric problems, which reduced McGovern's odds considerably.
What evidence is there that Bremer's attempt on Wallace was a directed attempt by a conspiratorial group?
Bremer himself has told his brother that others were involved and that he was paid by them. Researcher William Turner has turned up evidence in Milwaukee and surrounding towns in Wisconsin that Bremer received money from a group associated with Dennis Cossini, Donald Segretti and J. Timothy Gratz. Several other young "leftists" were seen with Bremer on several occasions in Milwaukee and on the ferry crossing at Lake Michigan.
The evidence shows that Bremer had a hidden source of income. He spent several times more than he earned or saved in the year before he shot at Wallace. Bremer's appearance on TV, in court and before witnesses resembled those of a man under hypnosis.
There is some evidence that more than one gun may have been fired with the second gun being located in the direction opposite to Bremer. Eleven wounds in the four victims that day exceeds the number that could have been caused by the five bullets Bremer fired. There is a problem in identifying all of the bullets found as having been fired from Bremer's gun. The trajectories of the wounds seem to be from two opposite directions. All of this--the hypnotic-like trance, the possibility of two guns being fired from in front and from behind, and the immediate conclusion that Bremer acted alone--sounds very much like the arrangement made for the Robert Kennedy assassination.
Another part of the evidence sounds like the King case. A lone blue Cadillac was seen speeding away from the scene of the shooting immediately afterward. It was reported on the police band radio and the police unsuccessfully chased it. The car had two men in it. The police and the FBI immediately shut off all accounts of that incident.
E. Howard Hunt testified before the Ervin Committee that Charles Colson had asked him to go to Bremer's apartment in Milwaukee as soon as the news about Bremer was available at the White House. Hunt never did say why he was supposed to go. Colson then said that he didn't tell Hunt to go, but that Hunt told him he was going. Colson's theory is that Hunt was part of a CIA conspiracy to get rid of Nixon and to do other dirty tricks.
Could Hunt and the Power Control Group have had in mind placing something in Bremer's apartment rather than taking something out? The "something" could have been Bremer's diary, which was later found in his car parked near the Laurel, Maryland parking lot. Hunt did not go to Milwaukee, because the FBI already had agents at the apartment. Perhaps Hunt or someone else went instead to Maryland and planted the diary in Bremer's car. One thing seems certain after a careful analysis of Bremer's diary in comparison to his grammar, spelling, etc., in his high school performances in English. Bremer didn't write the diary. Someone forged it, trying to make it sound like they thought Bremer would sound given his low I.Q.
One last item would clinch the conspiracy case if it were true. A rumor spread among researchers and the media that CBS-TV had discovered Bremer and G. Gordon Liddy together on two separate occasions in TV footage of Wallace rallies. In one TV sequence they were said to be walking together toward a camera in the background. CBS completely closed the lid on the subject.
The best source is obviously Bremer himself. However, no private citizen can get anywhere near him. Even if they could he might not talk if he had been programmed. Unless an expert deprogrammed him, his secret could be locked away in his brain, just like Sirhan's secret is locked within his mind.
 "Report of an Investigation" by William Turner for the Committee on Government Intelligence.
"Bremer Wallace and Hunt", The New York Review of Books -- Gore Vidal -- December 13, 1973.
"The Wallace Shooting" -- Alan Stang -- "American Opinion" -- October, 1972.
"Why Was Wallace Shot?" -- R.F. Salant -- Self Published -- Monsey, N.Y.
"Interview With Charles Colson" -- Dick Russell -- "Argosy" -- March, 1976.