Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal

CHAPTER XIII (About the author below)


Suppressed in the Archives are two Commission Documents which corroborate the large portion of facts contained herein. They are:

1. Fascists and Nazis today, Albin Michel, Paris Document No. 1096 2. Bundesnachrichtendienst file Document No. 597

In letters smuggled from jail, Jack Ruby constantly said that Nazis and Fascists were behind the Kennedy murder. Ruby was much more knowledgeable about the conspiracy than most. On September 9, 1965, in Judge Louis Holland's court, Ruby disregarded his lawyers who were telling him to be quiet and declared that there was a conspiracy in high places behind Kennedy's assassination.

Various news reports related that he said "people in high places" had suppressed information about Oswald and about Ruby; said, as his lawyers tried to push TV microphones away from his face, "The world has the right to hear the truth"; said that Oswald knew Kennedy was coming to Dallas even before Kennedy knew it and that newsmen should search "in the high sources of our political government" to find out how Oswald got a job at the Depository on the motorcade route; said that the full story of the assassination would not come out because "unfortunately some people in high places had so much to gain by putting me in this position", and when asked to elaborate on this, said that the results of the lie detector test had not been divulged, and said that there was a "terrible conspiracy" behind Kennedy's death and he, Ruby, "happened to be a scapegoat to walk into a trap and make that possible."

Ruby's lawyer Sam Houston Clinton says that during a routine hearing he believes was on March 31, 1966, he was seated beside Ruby, and that a reporter stuck a mike in front of Ruby, whereupon Ruby said that people just didn't understand and that if he ever got a chance to tell his story, they would know that "if Adlai Stevenson had been Vice President, Kennedy would still be alive today." After Ruby died, the Associated Press' Bernard Gayzer reported his accusations against the Nazis and Fascists and added, "Jack Ruby also complained that his cancer was induced secretly in jail. . . . (He) was certain it had been injected into him."

New fragments of the story were published elsewhere. The St. Paul (Minn.) Dispatch reported that one of its columnists, Bill Diehl, had bought a letter Ruby had written from his jail cell. The seller: Charles Hamilton Autographs, Inc. in New York, which in turn reportedly bought it and four or five others like it, from a jail trusty, Thomas E. Miller. In Diehl's letter, the paper said, Ruby wrote that Johnson "found me as the perfect setup for a frame. Remember they had the President killed, and now with me in the picture, they'll make it look as though Castro or the Russians had it done. Remember the only one who had all to gain was Johnson himself. Figure that out. "

This report is not to criticize actions on the part of anyone. It is simply a report of the facts with full documentation. The actions of the participants stand as criticism enough for their various roles in the illegal and immoral affair, and James Earl Ray's report that federal agents killed Dr. King is compelling evidence that the organization was still going about its objective in 1969 in the same ruthless manner and using the same modus operandi as is revealed in this document.

It should be pointed out, that during a few years following John Kennedy's murder, the crime rate in the United States had more than doubled. Public opinion surveys during the time reflected about 80% of the people did not believe the Warren Commission Report. The general public felt someone or some group had been behind the murder of John F. Kennedy and the guilty ones had not been punished. Such an attitude on the part of the public leads to a gradual breakdown of law, order and morals of the society.

All Penal Codes in the history of nations have set out a twofold purpose. The number one and cardinal purpose of a Penal Code is to deter crime. The secondary purpose is to reform the offender. There is a basic reason for deterrence of crime to be the principle purpose of a criminal code. That is, those who are inclined to commit crime view the prosecution of all criminal acts of others and they are not willing to face the consequences when their own prosecution seems certain. Therefore, crime is reduced and thus deterred. However, when the head of the National Police Agency joins with a handful of other government leaders and they both in turn throw in with crime to murder a president, (and the people have an uneasy feeling that something of this nature has taken place) it is only natural that crime and violence increase. The basic deterrent to crime has broken down. Also, the national morals by way of osmosis are gradually lowered and a hardness and cynicism develops among the people which allows lower and lower moral standards in the society affected.

Thus the United States has had reports of murder by the Southeastern Asian Command of the Green Berets of hundreds of agents employed by them. These murders were carried out in violation of all codes of moral conduct only on the whims or suspicions of the Green Berets that the murdered Beret agents did not measure up to what the command felt was proper behavior. The reports included that Mafia type weighting of the murdered bodies and dumping them into the South China Sea occurred. No punishment was afforded the guilty U.S. personnel for their acts. The reports on the regular news media of a Mafia type operation by the Generals and Master Sergeants in the Pentagon on a world wide basis involving millions of dollars in kickbacks and rake-offs drew very little interest or criticism.

During the last years of the Johnson administration, crime after crime among officials was reported across the land. Jack Kennedy's last executive order stated that 1,000 troops would be brought home from Viet Nam by Christmas, 1963. The dispatch reported this would leave 11,000 non-combatants in Viet Nam, all of which would be removed by the end of 1964. Thus, in his last official act, the slain President evidenced his opposition to involving ourselves in the Southeastern Asia civil wars. Less than one year after Kennedy's death, responsible Senators reported the Johnson administration staged a false incident in the Tonkin Gulf. The U.S. went to war. The munitions makers and their police force, the Defense Industrial Security Command, were well paid. Then, in 1969, there came to light that, during the last year of Johnson's Commander-in-Chief status, in March of 1968 to be exact, a Viet Nam order to destroy certain villages and to kill the inhabitants. An army photographer who observed one of the massacres was Sergeant Ronald L. Haeberle. He said:

At about 5:30 in the morning of March 16, I left where I was stationed, Duc Pho, by helicopter for Task Force Barker. That is an outlying area from the base camp. I was supposed to hook up here with C Company. I hooked up with C Company at 6 or 6:30 . . around sunrise.

No one really explained the mission, but from what I heard from the men, it was suspected that these villagers were Viet Cong sympathizers and it was thought there were Viet Cong there . . . I was going in with the second group of men . . .

We landed in the rice paddies and I heard gunfire from the village itself, but we were still on the outside of the village.

There were some South Vietnamese people, maybe 15 of them, women and children included, walking on a dirt road maybe 100 yards away. All of a sudden, the GI's just opened up with M16's. Besides the M16 fire, they were shooting at the people with M79 grenade launchers. I couldn't believe what I was seeing.

As they moved in, closer to the village, they just kept shooting at people. I remember this man distinctly, holding a small child in one arm and another child in the other, walking toward us. They saw us and were pleading. The little girl was saying, 'no no' in English. Then all of a sudden a burst of fire and they were cut down. They were about 20 feet away. One machine gunner did it. He'd opened up . . .

I had been on the ground maybe 45 minutes at this point. Off to the left, a group of people, women, children and babies, were standing around. The machine gunner was standing in front of them with the ammo bearer and all of a sudden I heard this fire and here this machine gunner had opened up on all these people in the big circle and they were trying to run. I don't know how many got out . . .

Then some GI's went over to a pile where there were four people and one GI leaned over a guy who was still alive and finished him.

There were two small children, a very young boy and a smaller boy, maybe 4 or 5 years old. A guy with an M16 fired at them, at the first boy, and the older boy fell over to protect the smaller boy . . Then they fired six more shots and just let them lie.

I left the village around 11 o'clock that morning. I saw clumps of bodies and I must have seen as many as 100 killed. It was done very businesslike.

Haeberle said he later saw a news story of C Company's operation in the hamlet, listing a large number of Viet Cong killed. Horrible pictures kept coming: of American boys with belching machine guns killing over 560 human beings in just one village; of burning homes in Viet Nam; of a five year old putting his arm around his little brother as the bullets struck; of innocent dead babies and small children and more dead babies held by their dead mothers; the grotesque stacks of human bodies of civilians, women and children totally reminiscent of the Nazi massacres and atrocities of World War II; and of a mother begging for the lives of her five children and in the next instant, the bullets slamming into the entire family group; and of U.S. soldiers dropping prisoners of war from airplanes to their deaths in order to obtain confessions from their fellow prisoners.

Reports kept coming in of one atrocity after another being committed by American boys under command level orders. The Pentagon had brutalized our young men but the Pentagon would try a scapegoat or two and salve the American conscience. The was not sufficient. A purgative from within will be needed to restore a moral balance to the Nation. The arrest, trial and punishment of the individuals guilty of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy are the only steps which would provide that purgative. Aristotle the Greek said "Tragedy moves from pity - to terror - to cleansing catharsis." Pity was all evident immediately after the President's death. Terror in the late 1960's followed. Only cleansing catharsis by application of the criminal laws to the high and low alike in the cabal will restore the former high collective national conscience. Law and order return after the catharsis.



The author is a lawyer in the southwestern part of the United States with twenty years trial experience. For two years, he served as a prosecuting attorney in criminal cases during 1949, 1950 and part of 1951. He has engaged in both civil and criminal practices and is licensed in all state and federal courts in his areas and the court of tax appeals. The author is a typically conservative and successful attorney belonging to the American Trial Lawyers Association, all of his area bar associations, Kiwanis and local civic clubs. He is a family man and is highly respected in the courts before which he practices. He is not critical of the Warren Commission or of any other national agency in connection with the assassination.

The author has participated in cases in the southwest where professional Mexican assassins have been used to commit political murder. He has also participated in the trial of cases in the southwest involving gunrunning activities through Mexico to Cuba, both before Castro was successful and after Castro succeeded and became the subject of overthrow by gunrunners from the southwest. Close relatives of the gambling syndicate members have used the legal services of Torbitt in complicated cases involving tracing financial dealings of organized crime in Texas and their foreign connecting links. More important, William Torbitt has been a member of the strong supporters of Lyndon Johnson since 1948. He supported John Connally in the gubernatorial race of 1962 and earlier was closely associated in the successful congressional race of Lloyd Bentsen in the Texas Valley adjacent to the Mexican border. Torbitt was also a key political backer of Texas Governor, Allan Shivers.

The author remained close to the conservative Connally- Johnson political organization and was personally acquainted with most of the people he writes about until he left them in 1963. Torbitt remains active in Texas Valley - Mexico border politics but at a subdued pace. During his term as prosecutor, he was deeply involved in the investigations and prosecutions of the gambling syndicate and Mafia operations in Texas. Except for five years foreign service in the U.S. Navy during World War II, Torbitt is a life long resident of Texas. He holds his law degree from the University of Texas at Austin. The author says "The Fascist cabal who assassinated John Kennedy planned to lay the blame on honest right-wing conservatives, if their first ploy, to lay the blame on Oswald and the Communists was not bought."

The author set out in this work simply to analyze, bring together and present his personal knowledge and the evidence which has been gathered by the Warren Commission, Jim Garrison and all other investigative agencies connected with the case. As is the office of a lawyer, he makes legal deductions from the evidence gathered but consistently refuses to speculate on the evidence even when some speculation is warranted. He says that speculation is a close kin to rumor and, consequently, he resorts only to those legal deductions which courts allow a lawyer to make from the court approved and documented evidence.

This work is an enlargement of a working paper furnished to Torbitt by two agents - one with the Customs Department and one other with the Narcotics Bureau. For obvious reason, their identities must be protected, but the author gives highest credit to the investigative work of the two well-informed officers. The author especially credits the working paper of the two agents with revealing the heretofore highly secret Defense Industrial Security Command and its intelligence assignments on behalf of the munitions and aerospace manufacturers. The fascistic totalitarian secret police agency is even stronger and more devious in 1970 and threatens our democracy, he says.